The
right-wing U.S. presidential primary for 2016 grew by one on Sunday when
Hillary Clinton announced her entry into the race, bringing with her the massed
support of a personalized political machine hell-bent on overwhelming the
Democratic Party’s democratic process with a barrage of political intimidation
and cash.
Predictably,
most of the media have concentrated on the psychodrama of the politics, on the
prospect of a female president (long overdue), and on Clinton’s chances in the
presidential race.
Less
focus has been devoted to the record that might make more critical commentators
wonder why she is in the primary of a supposedly progressive party.
Hillary
Clinton is a neo-conservative neo-liberal, and the charge-sheet against her
should make her utterly unacceptable as a candidate, if not put her in the
criminal court at the Hague.
As
Senator, Clinton voted in support of an illegal, immoral, and transparently
illogical war of aggression against Iraq.
Whatever you thought of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this was a war launched
in defiance of international law (the Nazis were prosecuted at Nuremberg for
waging aggressive war) based on the flimsiest of evidence. It was a war that destroyed the livelihoods,
infrastructure, and civic institutions of a country and its residents, and
killed possibly hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, while leading to the
proliferation of international terrorism across the Middle East.
Clinton
only reconsidered her support after the war became publicly unpopular, and is
said to have remarked in private since that she only did so to be competitive
in a Democratic primary in 2007.
As
Secretary of State, Clinton agitated for the escalation of a purpose-less war
in Afghanistan, becoming a key proponent of the U.S. War of Terror. The administration in which she served has
made murder-by-drone a routine policy, and has killed hundreds and thousands of
people on two or more continents on the basis of disposition matrices. This makes members of the administration
complicit in this policy criminals who should be behind bars rather than
seeking high office.
When
democratic movements swept across the Middle East, the United States was
presented with the opportunity to cast aside its tradition of supporting
dictators and autocrats in the region.
But Hillary Clinton made a strong case for supporting authoritarian
regimes in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Egypt, helping to frustrate, crush, or
stall democratic movements in those countries and elsewhere. Within the administration, Clinton’s was
always the voice calling for a violent foreign policy, whether in Libya or
Syria.
She
has continued to contribute to the destabilization of the Middle East in office
and as a de facto candidate through her half-witted, un-thinking, unconditional
support for the colonial regime in Israel, the actions of which serve the public
interest of neither Israeli nor U.S. citizens, and impose an unpardonable
burden on Palestinians who are denied the basic right to self-government that
our own country won from the British.
Clinton
has urged that the Israeli government be given a blank check, and has
uncritically defended its colonial military when it murdered children in
schools, offering no evidence to back the regime’s unsubstantiated claims that
the schools housed militants. She has
defended the regime’s policy of collective punishment, its settlements, and its
attacks on U.S. sovereignty.
When
Edward Snowden sought to shed light on the abuses of the U.S. security state,
shielded from scrutiny by a quiescent political class and its predilection for
telling outright lies, Clinton accused Snowden of helping “terrorists”,
providing no evidence for a claim designed to distract attention from our
government’s efforts to trample on the rights of our citizens.
In
supporting a terroristic, imperialistic, militaristic foreign policy that does
nothing to advance the public interest, and spreads violence and terror around
the world, Clinton has undermined trust in government, in our public
institutions.
And
yet in other spheres, where a strong, democratic, public-spirited state is
sorely needed, Clinton has sided with the growing plutocracy that seeks to
upend our democracy and reserve for itself the rights that should be
universally available to citizens of our country.
No
friend to consumers, Clinton began to support punitive bankruptcy laws when she
became Senator for New York, representing the state’s financial sector. In embracing and shielding from scrutiny the
labyrinthine, secretive, behemoth that is the Trans-Pacific Partnership,
Clinton is mounting an assault on U.S. sovereignty that will likely damage
consumers and our already-beleaguered labour movement.
At
a time of near-unprecedented economic inequality, a grassroots movement for
change swept the United States. Occupy
transformed the dialogue around the distribution of wealth in the United
States. With the launch of her campaign,
Clinton has been careful to adopt the social democratic and redistributionist
rhetoric that some of her more left-leaning colleagues have deployed.
But
in private, Clinton was dismissive of Occupy, reassuring her audiences at
Goldman Sachs that they would be safe with her from the calls for economic
democratization. These interests, who
Clinton pledged to protect, are those who have embraced Citizens United and
other efforts to disempower the working class and strip citizens of their
rights, enthroning corporate power in place of democratic power.
Clinton
has used her liberal social views to begin to win over wavering Democratic
voters. These are critical social
issues, but Clinton’s emphasis on them belies her support for state terrorism,
imperialism, militarism, and the devastating assaults being launched on the
economic security of our country’s working and middle class, an assault which
if successful, would render the real gains made in the social sphere in recent
years utterly meaningless.
In
the general election, Clinton will face a series of psychopathic, wind-up
Republican candidates, who march in lock-step to the tunes hummed by the Koch
Empire, and who have pledged not to even consider raising the taxes that are
the means by which we sort out our economic, social, and moral priorities as a
national community.
These
right-wing radicals are opposed to the welfare state which provides the
foundation for an equal society, and preach a coded racist, misogynistic, and
fundamentalist message designed to tear our country to shreds to allow the
plutocrats to plunder the public coffers with impunity.
Clinton
and much of the Democratic Party’s leadership like to pretend that her
assumption of the party leadership is simply a matter of course and that she is
the only candidate who has the right to take on the GOP’s fanatics, in spite of
the fact that much of her money comes from the same sources, in spite of her
defense of the plutocrats, and in spite of her support for a depraved foreign
policy.
Nothing
could be further from the truth. There
are serious candidates who represent serious ideological and moral alternatives
who have the capacity to challenge Clinton and the Republican Party.
Elizabeth
Warren has made it her work in the Senate—after founding an agency designed to
shield consumers from exploitation by Wall Street—to chip away at the cosy
little economic consensus that has sidelined the ideals of social democracy
that give citizens of other countries around the world a quality of life far
superior to what we have in the United States.
Warren hasn’t pulled any punches in her attacks on Wall Street’s efforts
to strip down our democracy, and has mounted a firm defense of the rights of
labor, the decline of which has paralleled (and caused) the failing fortunes of
our country’s working class.
Bernie
Sanders, a socialist in the Senate, offers an affirmative, public-spirited
vision of what government can accomplish, which is in marked contrast to the militaristic
security state defended and constructed by Clinton and the Republicans. Having seen what the “Free Market” can do to
a democracy, more and more of the public will be interested in an ideology
which in a democratic setting promises economic as well as political equality,
values the contributions of all members of society, and harnesses the power of
the state for the public interest.
These
people should, in the public interest, challenge Clinton, remind the public of
her dreadful record, and seize the party’s leadership on behalf of the working and
middle-class members of the Democratic and Republican parties who have been so
poorly served by the right-wing consensus that has for too long dominated our
country.
With
a strong grass-roots movement and strong leadership, the United States could
shift from being an imperial power based on systematic inequality and
exploitation to a social democratic nation based on a commitment to equality at
home and around the world.